Open Census MCP Server

Parental Leave and Employment Patterns for First-Time Parents in the United States: 2022 Current Population Reports By Nestor I. Hernandez P70-204 April 2025 INTRODUCTION1 Parental leave in the United States is shaped by a combination of federal protections like the unpaid leave provided by the Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA) and employer-specific policies that may offer paid or unpaid parental leave benefits.2 Previous research has documented disparities in access to paid and unpaid parental leave across different occupations, racial and ethnic groups, and educational levels, suggesting that leave access may be limited across several demographic groups.3, 4 Despite these trends, few studies have examined parental leave on a national scale, particularly in relation to the types of leave taken and work behaviors of parents surrounding their first-born child. This report examines various parental leave and employment patterns for the nation using the U.S. Census Bureau’s 2022 Survey of Income and 1 The U.S. Census Bureau has reviewed this data product to ensure appropriate access, use, and disclosure avoidance protection of the confidential source data used to produce this product (Data Management System [DMS] number: P-7533841 and Disclosure Review Board [DRB] approval number: CBDRB-FY23-0205). All comparative statements have undergone statistical testing, and are statistically significant at the 90 percent significance level, unless otherwise noted. 2 R. J. Petts, C. Knoester, and Q. Li, “Paid Paternity Leave-Taking in the United States,” Community, Work & Family, 23(2), pp. 162–183, 2020, <https://doi.org/10.1080/13668803.2018.1471589>. 3 D. Hawkins, “Disparities in the Usage of Maternity Leave According to Occupation, Race/Ethnicity, and Education,” American Journal of Industrial Medicine, 63(12), pp. 1134–1144, 2020, <https:// pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/33020984/>. 4 A. P. Bartel, S. Kim, J. Nam, M. Rossin-Slater, C. J. Ruhm, and J. Waldfogel, “Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Access to and Use of Paid Family and Medical Leave: Evidence From Four Nationally- Representative Datasets,” Monthly Labor Review, U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, January 2019, <https://doi.org/10.21916/mlr.2019.2>. ABOUT THE SIPP The Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) is a nationally representative, longitudinal survey administered by the U.S. Census Bureau that provides comprehensive information on the dynamics of income, employment, household composition, and government program partici- pation. The SIPP is also a leading source of data on economic well-being, family dynamics, edu- cation, wealth, health insurance, child care, and food security. The SIPP interviews individuals for several years and provides monthly data about changes in household and family composition and economic circumstances over time. Visit the SIPP website at <www.census.gov/sipp> for more information. Program Participation (SIPP).5 A 2011 report examining parental leave measures using SIPP data highlighted employment patterns and leave usage among first- time mothers.6 Compared to the 2011 report, which focused solely on first-time mothers, this report provides insights on how work behaviors and leave arrangements differ by sex, with estimates for both first-time mothers and first-time fathers. 5 The estimates in this report are weighted and come from the 2022 SIPP public-use file available at <www.census.gov/programs- surveys/sipp/data/datasets/2022-data/2022.html>. For technical documentation and more information about SIPP data quality, visit the SIPP website’s Technical Documentation page at <www.census.gov/ programs-surveys/sipp/tech-documentation.html>. 6 L. Laughlin, “Maternity Leave and Employment Patterns: 2006 to 2008,” Current Population Reports, P70-128, U.S. Census Bureau, Washington, DC, 2011, <https://www2.census.gov/library/ publications/2011/demo/p70-128.pdf>. Figure 1. Percentage of Parents Who Worked During the Pregnancy Preceding Their First Birth by Year of Child's Birth: 2022 (Parents under the age of 65 in 2022 with at least one biological child) Fathers 77 76 78 77 76 76 76 61 60 59 61 60 53 38 81 62 80 69 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Mothers 81 78 Prior to 1981 1981– 1985 1986– 1990 1991– 1995 1996– 2000 2001– 2005 2006– 2010 2011– 2015 2016– 2020 2021– 2022 Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2022 Survey of Income and Program Participation, public-use file. This report provides an overview of parental leave and employment in the United States for parents who worked before and after the birth of their first biological child, by several demographic characteristics. CHARACTERISTICS OF PARENTS WHO WORKED BEFORE THE BIRTH OF THEIR FIRST CHILD Figure 1 details the percentage of parents who worked before the birth of their first child by the year their first child was born. Prior to 1981, about 38 percent of mothers and roughly 77 percent of fathers worked before the birth of their first child. From 1986 to 1990, 61.1 percent of mothers and 77.7 percent of fathers worked during the pregnancy before their first birth. The percentage of mothers and fathers who worked before their first child was born remained relatively stable between 1991 and 2010. The percentage of mothers who worked during the pregnancy of their first child was 60.3 percent from 1991 to 1995, 2 59.3 percent from 1996 to 2000, 61.4 percent from 2001 to 2005, and 59.7 percent from 2006 to 2010.7 Similarly, the percentage of first-time fathers who worked prior to the birth of their first child was roughly 76 percent from 1991 to 1995, 1996 to 2000, 2001 to 2005, and 2006 to 2010.8 About 62 percent of first-time mothers and roughly 81 percent of first- time fathers worked leading up to their first birth from 2011 to 2015, which increased for fathers from the previous birth cohort (2006 to 2010).9 From 2016 to 2020, about 69 percent of mothers and roughly 80 percent of fathers worked before their first child was 7 The estimates of first-time mothers who worked during the pregnancy of their first child from 1991 to 1995 (60.3 percent), 1996 to 2000 (59.3 percent), 2001 to 2005 (61.4 percent), and 2006 to 2010 (59.7 percent) did not significantly differ. 8 The estimates of first-time fathers who worked during the pregnancy of their first child from 1991 to 1995 (76.6 percent), 1996 to 2000 (75.8 percent), 2001 to 2005 (76.3 percent), and 2006 to 2010 (75.9 percent) did not significantly differ. born. By 2021 to 2022, roughly 78 percent of mothers and about 81 percent of fathers worked during the pregnancy leading to the birth of their first child.10 The percentage of mothers who worked when pregnant with their first child has increased in recent years, with a period of stability between 1986 to 2015, reflecting the overall rise in women’s labor force participation.11 Figure 1 highlights the work behaviors of parents by birth cohort, while Table 1 examines work behaviors of parents across all years. Table 1 reports the percentages of parents who worked during the pregnancy or after the birth of their first child, categorized by various demographic characteristics. 10 The estimates of mothers (77.6 percent) and fathers (81.2 percent) who worked during the pregnancy leading up to the birth of the first child in 2021 to 2022 did not significantly differ. 9 The estimates of mothers who worked 11 Bureau of Labor Statistics, “Labor prior to their first birth from 2006 to 2010 (59.7 percent) and 2011 to 2015 (62.4 percent) did not significantly differ. Force Statistics From the Current Population Survey,” U.S. Department of Labor, 2024, <www.bls.gov/cps/demographics/women- labor-force.htm>. 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n o n , e n o a l e t i h W 1 2 4 4 , 2 0 8 1 , 0 0 8 , 4 2 5 3 9 , 8 5 6 1 , 4 0 9 1 , 5 3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . i c n a p s i H e n o a l k c a B l l e n o a n a i s A e c a r , s e c a r r e h t o l l A 3 1 1 1 , 0 2 1 , 2 . . . . . . . . . s n o i t a n b m o c i 4 6 5 5 , 0 9 3 , 1 3 4 4 2 6 , 0 1 7 , 0 3 0 8 9 , 1 1 0 6 6 , 2 2 0 1 3 2 , 3 6 9 1 , 2 2 0 8 , 0 3 9 , 0 1 0 0 4 , 2 1 0 0 9 , 8 4 0 9 6 , 6 4 0 1 6 , 4 1 0 5 5 , 3 2 0 2 5 , 4 3 9 3 2 , 3 9 2 1 , 6 0 2 6 , 5 1 0 7 2 , 7 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ) e c a r y n a f o ( i c n a p s i H . . . . . . . . i c n a p s i H - n o N i n g i r O c i n a p s i H . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . n r o b - e v i t a N . n r o b - n g e r o F i s u t a t S y t i v i t a N . e g a i r r a m t s r i f e r o f e B 2 e g a i r r a m t s r i f g n i r u D . . e g a i r r a m t s r i f r e t f A h t r i B t s r i F f o g n m T i i t n e m n i a t t A l a n o i t a c u d E . . . l o o h c s h g h n a h t i s s e L e t a u d a r g l o o h c s h g H i . . . . . . . e g e l l o c e m o S 0 3 0 , 6 1 0 8 2 , 2 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . r e h g h r o i e e r g e d s l ’ r o e h c a B . e g a i r r a m t s r i f e h t g n i r u d d e d u c n l i s i t i , d e d n e r o d e t r a t s e g a i r r a m e h t r a e y e h t r e h t i e s a e m a s e h t s i h t r i b t s r i f f o r a e y f I . h t r i b t s r i f f o e m i t t a s u t a t s l a t i r a m o t s r e f e R i l a c g o o b t s r i f i r i e h t f o h t r i b e h t o t p u g n d a e i l y c n a n g e r p e h t g n i r u d d e k r o w o h w s t n e r a P 1 2 . e l i f e s u - c i l b u p , i n o i t a p c i t r a P m a r g o r P d n a e m o c n I f o y e v r u S 2 2 0 2 , u a e r u B s u s n e C . . S U : e c r u o S U.S. Census Bureau 3                                                         Estimates provided are for first- time parents who worked before their first child was born and who were under the age of 65 in 2022. All estimates for working after the birth of the first child are conditional on parents who worked before the birth of the first biological child. About 60 percent of mothers and roughly 78 percent of fathers reported working during the pregnancy leading to the birth of their first biological child. A higher percentage of parents who were older at their first birth were employed before having their first child. Estimates for first- time parents who were employed before their first child was born are grouped by the age at which their first birth occurred. The groups under the age of 18 and age 30 and over are highlighted due to significant differences in employment before first-time parenthood, while the middle age ranges, those aged 18 to 29, showed a consistent upward trend. About 3 in 4 mothers aged 30 and over at the time of first birth (73.9 percent) worked leading up to the birth of the first child, compared to only 1 out of 4 mothers under the age of 18 (28 percent). About 39 percent of first-time mothers aged 18 to 19 were employed before their first child was born, compared to 70.3 percent of first- time mothers aged 25 to 29. The gap was smaller among fathers, as about 80 percent of fathers aged 30 or over worked leading up the birth of their first child, compared to 60 percent of fathers who were under the age of 18. About 70 percent of first-time fathers aged 18 to 19 worked before their first child was born compared to 79.1 percent of those aged 25 to 29. Overall, older parents were more RECENT CHANGES TO PARENTAL LEAVE DATA COLLECTION Prior to 2014, the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) included a maternal leave section within the fertility module. This section included information on women’s employment history, work history, and maternity leave arrangements. Parental leave information was not collected from 2014 to 2018. In 2019, the parental leave questions were reintroduced to the SIPP, and were asked of both men and women for the first time. The question sequence for the 2022 SIPP was updated to collect information on parental leave more efficiently and accurately. Detailed information on the improvement of the parental leave question sequence is provided in the SIPP 2022 Data Users’ Guide at <www2.census.gov/ programs-surveys/sipp/tech-documentation/methodology/2022_ SIPP_Users_Guide_SEP23.pdf>. likely to work preceding the birth of the first child than younger parents. Among the racial groups presented, about 64 percent of White mothers worked leading up to the birth of their first child, compared to 49.5 percent of Black alone mothers and 43.3 percent of Asian alone mothers.12 White alone fathers had a higher rate of working leading up to the birth of their first child (79.4 percent) compared to Black fathers (69.3 percent) and Asian fathers (72.6 percent).13 Examining differences in work behaviors by Hispanic origin, 44.9 percent of Hispanic mothers worked during the pregnancy of their first child, compared to 64.2 percent of non-Hispanic mothers. Differences in work behaviors before the birth of a first child across racial and ethnic groups may be influenced by differences 12 The estimates of Black alone mothers (49.5 percent) and Asian alone mothers (43.3 percent) who worked during the pregnancy were significantly different from each other. 13 The estimates of Black fathers (69.3 percent) and Asian fathers (72.6 percent) who worked during the pregnancy did not significantly differ. in occupation and societal expectations. Some racial and ethnic groups are more likely to work in lower-wage occupations, limiting their access to benefits like paid parental leave and flexible work arrangements, which influences their work behaviors before the birth of a first child, while others in higher-paying jobs can maintain employment due to greater job flexibility or more comprehensive leave options surrounding childbirth.14, 15, 16 Additionally, societal norms regarding roles and family responsibilities can influence these differences between mothers and fathers, with some groups placing 14 D. Hawkins, “Disparities in the Usage of Maternity Leave According to Occupation, Race/Ethnicity, and Education,” American Journal of Industrial Medicine, 63(12), pp. 1134–1144, 2020, <https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm. nih.gov/33020984/>. 15 J. M. Goodman and D. Schneider, “Racial/Ethnic and Gender Inequities In the Sufficiency of Paid Leave During the COVID- 19 Pandemic: Evidence From the Service Sector,” American Journal of Industrial Medicine, 2023, 66(11), pp. 928–937. 16 A. Earle, P. Joshi, K. Geronimo, and D. Acevedo-Garcia, “Job Characteristics Among Working Parents: Differences by Race, Ethnicity, And Nativity,” Monthly Labor Review, U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2014. 4 U.S. Census Bureau a higher emphasis on women’s roles as caregivers.17, 18 The following estimates examine work behaviors in relation to the timing of the first birth, considering whether parents worked before their first child was born, and whether the first birth occurred before, during, or after the parents’ first marriage. A lower percentage of never-married mothers were employed during the pregnancy before their first birth, compared to mothers who had a first birth within their first marriage or after their first marriage ended (50.9 percent, 65.7 percent, and 71.3 percent, respectively).19, 20 Men who fathered their first child before marrying were less likely to be working before the birth, compared to men whose first child was born during or after their first marriage (71.5 percent, 80.9 percent, and 79.1 percent, respectively).21 CHARACTERISTICS OF PARENTS WHO WORKED AFTER THE BIRTH OF THEIR FIRST CHILD While there were notable differences in work patterns among demographic groups prior to the birth of their first child, 17 I. Browne and J. Misra, “The Intersection of Gender and Race in the Labor Market,” Annual Review of Sociology, 29(1), pp. 487–513, 2003. 18 B. Mintz and D. H. Krymkowski, “The Intersection of Race/Ethnicity and Gender in Occupational Segregation: Changes Over Time in the Contemporary United States,” International Journal of Sociology 40(4), pp. 31–58, 2010. 19 The estimates of mothers who were employed during their first marriage (65.7 percent) and mothers who were employed after their first marriage (71.3 percent) were significantly different from each other. 20 Never-married parents are included with those whose first birth was before their first marriage. 21 The estimates of fathers who were employed during their first marriage (80.9 percent) and fathers who were employed after their first marriage (79.1 percent) were not significantly different from each other. there were fewer variations in work behaviors among these groups after the child’s birth. Estimates for those who worked after their child’s birth are shown for parents who worked during the pregnancy of their first child. For example, the percentage of mothers under the age of 18 at the time of first birth who worked after the birth of their first child (84.2 percent) did not significantly differ from mothers aged 30 or over (86.8 percent). Likewise, there was no significant difference between fathers under the age of 18 at the time of first birth working after the birth of their first child (93.4 percent) compared to fathers aged 30 and over (97.4 percent). The racial and ethnic differences observed in parents who worked before the birth of their first child shifted when examining those who worked after the birth. For all racial and ethnic groups (roughly between 81 and 89 percent), mothers employed during the pregnancy returned to the labor force after giving birth. Black alone mothers (88.5 percent) were more likely to return to work after the birth of their first child than White mothers (84.3 percent). After the birth of their first child, non-Hispanic mothers (85.7 percent) were more likely to work than Hispanic mothers (80.9 percent). Nearly all Black alone, White alone, and Hispanic fathers worked after the birth of their first child (98.1 percent, 97.1 percent, and 96.0 percent, respectively).22 Statistically, non-Hispanic fathers (97.3 percent) had a higher rate of working after the birth of their first child than Hispanic fathers (about 96 percent). Rates of working after birth were more than 95 percent among first-time fathers across racial and ethnic groups. There were few differences in work participation by education level among parents after the birth of their first child. Roughly 83 percent of mothers with less than a high school education and 86.9 percent of mothers with a bachelor’s degree or higher reported working after the first birth, although these estimates did not significantly differ. However, among fathers, the corresponding percentage that worked after the birth of their first child did significantly differ between fathers with less than a high school education (95.5 percent) and fathers with a bachelor’s degree or higher (97.9 percent). LEAVE ARRANGEMENTS USED BY PARENTS BEFORE AND AFTER THE BIRTH OF THEIR FIRST CHILD Figure 2 presents the percentage of parents using selected leave arrangements after their first birth, categorized by cohorts of the first child’s birth year. Examining leave types taken by parents by birth cohort is particularly important due to the changing nature of policies surrounding leave. For example, the FMLA, which provides up to 12 weeks of unpaid leave to eligible workers, was signed into law in 1993.23 For first-time mothers, paid leave usage has increased for first children born after 2004, with a period of stability for those born prior 1994 and between 1994 22 The estimates of Black alone (98.1 percent) and Hispanic alone (96 percent) fathers were not significantly different from White alone fathers (97.1 percent), but Black alone and Hispanic alone fathers did significantly differ. 23 The Family and Medical Leave Act of 1993 was signed into law on February 5, 1993, and came into effect on August 5, 1993. The years of first birth cohorts were established to investigate any association between unpaid leave usage after the law was enacted. U.S. Census Bureau 5 Figure 2. Percentage of Parents Using Selected Leave Arrangements After Their First Birth by Year of Child's Birth: 2022 (Parents who worked before the birth of their first biological child) Paid leave1 Unpaid leave2 Quit/let go Other leave type3 Did not take leave Fathers Mothers 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Prior to 1994 1994–2003 2004–2013 2014–2022 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Prior to 1994 1994–2003 2004–2013 2014–2022 1 Paid leave includes paid maternity/paternity leave, paid sick leave, and paid vacation leave. 2 Unpaid leave includes unpaid maternity or paternity leave and unpaid sick leave. 3 Other leave type includes disability leave or some other kind of leave. Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2022 Survey of Income and Program Participation, public-use file. and 2003, while an increasing percentage of first-time fathers reported taking a form of paid leave. Among mothers who gave birth for the first time before 1994, 39.9 percent used a form of paid leave, whereas 42.8 percent of mothers with a first child born between 1994 to 2003, and 43.8 percent of mothers who had a first birth between 2004 to 2013, used a form of paid leave after their child was born.24 During the 2014 to 2022 birth cohort, about 49 percent of first-time mothers used a form of paid leave. First-time fathers experienced increases in the use of paid leave across birth cohorts. Prior to 1994, about 18 percent of fathers used a form of paid leave, which increased to 27.1 percent among fathers who had a first-born child between 1994 to 2003. First-time fathers 24 The estimates of mothers who took paid leave with a first-born child prior to 1994 (39.9 percent) and 1994 to 2003 (42.8 percent) and between 1994 to 2003 (42.8 percent) and 2004 to 2013 (43.8 percent) did not significantly differ. 6 from 2004 to 2013 had a 35.1 percent paid leave rate after their first child was born, compared to 50.1 percent of fathers who had a first-born child between 2014 and 2022. Among parents who had a first-born child between 2014 to 2022, there were no differences in the usage of paid leave between mothers (49.1 percent) and fathers (50.1 percent). The trends in paid leave rates among parents suggest an association between occupational disparities, changing parental roles, and workplace policies. Mothers’ paid leave rates after the birth of their first child may be possibly due to their prevalence in lower-wage jobs with fewer benefits.25, 26 In contrast, the 25 M. Shepherd-Banigan and J. F. Bell, “Paid Leave Benefits Among a National Sample of Working Mothers with Infants in the United States,” Maternal and Child Health Journal, 18(1), pp. 286–295, 2014. 26 J. Tucker and K. Patrick, “Low Wage Jobs are Women’s Jobs: The Overrepresentation of Women in Low Wage Work,” National Women’s Law Center, 2017. increase in paid leave rates among fathers could be associated with more generous benefits in higher- paying positions and evolving social norms that promote greater paternal involvement.27, 28 Prior to 1994, 25.4 percent of mothers took a form of unpaid leave. Mothers with a first birth from 1994 to 2003 had a similar likelihood of taking a form of unpaid leave (23.8 percent) compared to mothers with a first child born between 2004 to 2013 (24.3 percent).29 About 6 percent of fathers with a first-born child between 1994 to 2003 took a form of unpaid leave, compared to 3.3 percent of fathers with a first-born 27 R. J. Petts, C. Knoester, and Q. Li, “Paid Paternity Leave-Taking in the United States,” Community, Work & Family, 23(2), pp. 162–183, 2020, <https://doi.org/10.1080/1 3668803.2018.1471589>. 28 R. J. Petts and C. Knoester, “Paternity Leave-Taking and Father Engagement,” Journal of Marriage and the Family, 80(5), pp. 1144–1162, 2018. 29 The estimates of mothers who took a form of unpaid leave did not significantly differ across birth cohorts. U.S. Census Bureau child prior to 1994. The rates of unpaid leave taken after the birth of a first child were 7.0 percent between 2004 to 2014 and 12.6 percent between 2014 to 2022 among first-time fathers. In the most recent birth cohort (2014 to 2022), a higher percentage of first- time mothers (27.3 percent) than first-time fathers (12.6 percent) took a form of unpaid leave after their child was born. The stability in unpaid leave rates for mothers, alongside a slight increase for fathers, may also be attributed to the fact that the FMLA only mandates unpaid leave, which limits its effect on overall leave-taking. Previous research found that while recent FMLA legislation increased the availability of leave, the lack of pay associated with FMLA provisions constrains its usage.30 Similarly, the financial burden of unpaid leave may prevent changes in leave patterns for parents.31, 32 Consequently, despite the legal framework supporting leave, the rate of unpaid leave has not seen substantial increases. Circumstances leading to time away from work, such as quitting or being let go, are considered leave arrangements in this report. Some parents use only one type of leave arrangement, while others may combine multiple types. A considerable portion of mothers 30 W. J. Han and J. Waldfogel, “Parental Leave: The Impact of Recent Legislation on Parents’ Leave-Taking,” Demography, 40(1), pp. 191–200, February 2003. 31 J. Waldfogel, “The Impact of the Family and Medical Leave Act,” Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 1999b, 18(2), pp. 281–302. 32 W. J. Han, C. Ruhn, and J. Waldfogel, “Parental Leave Policies and Parents’ Employment and Leave-Taking,” Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 28(1), pp. 29–54, 2009, <https://doi.org/10.1002/ pam.20398>. quit or were let go from their job after their child was born. Prior to 1994, 15.5 percent of mothers reported quitting their job or being let go after their first child was born. About 14 percent of mothers between 1994 to 2003 and 2004 to 2013 reported leaving their job or being let go after the birth of their first child. About 12 percent of mothers whose first child was born between 2014 to 2022 reported being let go or quitting their job after their child was born.33 Rates for quitting or being let go from a job for fathers were relatively low across all birth cohorts. The moderate portion of mothers who quit their job or were let go from their jobs around the time of their first child’s birth may be due to insufficient parental leave policies, lack of workplace flexibility, and the financial burden of child care.34 Insufficient maternity leave provisions and the absence of job protection may increase the likelihood of mothers exiting the workforce, which forces many mothers to choose between returning to work prematurely or quitting altogether.35 High child care costs also contribute to this issue, as the expense of child care often exceeds potential earnings, making it more practical for many mothers to leave the workforce.36 33 The estimates for mothers who quit or were let go did not significantly differ across birth cohorts. 34 A. J. C. Torres, L. Barbosa-Silva, L. C. Oliveira-Silva, O. P. P. Miziara, U. C. R. Guahy, A. N. Fisher, and M. K. Ryan, “The Impact of Motherhood on Women’s Career Progression: A Scoping Review of Evidence-Based Interventions,” Behavioral Sciences, 14(4), p. 275, 2024. 35 W. J. Han, C. Ruhn, and J. Waldfogel, “Parental Leave Policies and Parents’ Employment and Leave-Taking,” Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 28(1), pp. 29–54, 2009, <https://doi.org/10.1002/ pam.20398>. 36 L. Schochet, “The Child Care Crisis Is Keeping Women Out of the Workforce,” Center for American Progress, 2019. The patterns of leave-taking vary between mothers and fathers who do not take leave. About 16 percent of mothers who had a first birth prior to 1994 and from 1994 to 2003 did not take any leave after their child was born.37 For mothers with a first birth between 2004 and 2013, 14.7 percent did not take leave. For the 2014 to 2022 birth cohort, 11.3 percent of mothers did not take any type of leave after their first child was born.38 The percentage of fathers who do not take leave has been decreasing over time, with 77.0 percent of fathers reporting not taking leave prior to 1994, compared to 65.1 percent with a first birth between 1994 to 2003. In the 2004 to 2013 cohort, more than half of fathers did not take any leave after their first child was born (54.2 percent). More recently, about 35 percent of the fathers with a first child born between 2014 to 2022 did not take any leave. A large share of fathers did not take any leave, which may be due in part to the lack of workplace flexibility, lack of a universal paid parental leave policy, or traditional social norms. Studies indicate that some fathers may face stigma or negative career repercussions if they take extended leave, resulting in low usage of paternity leave.39, 40 In addition, the lack of a universal paid leave policy 37 The estimates of mothers who did not take leave prior to 1994 (16.4 percent) and 1994 to 2003 (15.9 percent) did not significantly differ. 38 The percentage of mothers who did not take leave was significantly different from 2004 to 2013 (14.7 percent) to 2014 to 2022 (11.3 percent). 39 S. Bornstein, “The Legal and Policy Implications of the ‘Flexibility Stigma,’” Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 69, Issue 2, 2013, pp. 389–405. 40 S. Coltrane, E. C. Miller, T. DeHaan, and L. Stewart, “Fathers and the Flexibility Stigma,” Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 69, Issue 2, 2013, pp. 279–302. U.S. Census Bureau 7 Table 2. Detailed Leave Arrangements Used by Parents Working Before or After the First Birth: 2022 (Parents under the age of 65 in 2022 with at least one biological child) Characteristic Before or after birth Before birth1 After birth2 Margin of error3(±) Before or after birth Before birth1 After birth2 Margin of error3 (±) Mothers Fathers TOTAL NUMBER OF PARENTS WHO WORKED (in thousands) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36,950 36,950 31,410 745 39,370 39,370 38,200 748 Percentage using leave arrangement4 Paid leave . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  Paid maternity or paternity leave . . . . . . . . . . .  Sick leave . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  Vacation leave . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Unpaid leave . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  Unpaid maternity or paternity leave . . . . . . . .  Sick leave . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Other leave  Quit job . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  Disability leave . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  Other leave type . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  Let go from job . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Did not take leave . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48.0 38.9 8.2 6.4 28.7 24.7 4.9 16.7 6.5 4.2 2.1 16.2 23.6 18.3 3.9 2.6 14.5 12.2 2.3 12.4 2.8 1.8 1.5 4.6 46.8 38.1 6.7 5.5 27.1 22.8 4.4 8.5 5.9 3.4 1.0 13.7 1.4 1.4 0.7 0.7 1.3 1.2 0.6 0.9 0.7 0.5 0.3 1.0 33.1 14.2 4.8 15.4 7.5 5.8 1.9 0.5 0.1 2.8 0.4 58.6 4.3 2.4 0.6 1.3 1.7 1.3 .3 0.2 Z 0.4 0.2 2.0 32.3 13.5 4.5 15.3 7.1 5.4 1.7 0.3 Z 2.6 0.3 58.1 1.3 0.9 0.6 1.0 0.6 0.6 0.3 0.1 Z 0.5 0.1 1.3 Z Represents or rounds to zero. 1 Parents who worked during the pregnancy leading up to the birth of their first biological child. 2 Parents who worked during the pregnancy leading up to the birth and after the birth of the first biological child. 3 This number, when added to or subtracted from the “after birth” estimate, represents the 90 percent confidence interval around the estimate. 4 Total in individual leave arrangements may exceed 100 percent due to multiple types of leave taken. Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2022 Survey of Income and Program Participation, public-use file. may cause financial concern, as fathers may be the primary income earner within households.41, 42 The increasing trend of paid leave for fathers across birth cohorts and the decreasing trend of fathers not taking any leave suggest that the workplace policies and parental leave policies may be more generous, and social norms that promote paternal involvement may be increasing for fathers. Table 2 presents detailed leave arrangements used by parents before and after the first birth. While Figure 2 illustrates leave arrangements by birth cohort, 41 B. Pragg and C. Knoester, “Parental Leave Use Among Disadvantaged Fathers,” Journal of Family Issues, 38(8), pp. 1157–1185, 2017, <https://doi. org/10.1177/0192513X15623585>. 42 E. Gheyoh Ndzi and A. Holmes, “Paternal Leave Entitlement and Workplace Culture: A Key Challenge to Paternal Mental Health,” International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 20(8), 5454, 2023, <https://doi.org/10.3390/ ijerph20085454>. 8 Table 2 offers a detailed view of leave arrangements taken throughout all years when first- time parents had a child. It is important to note that leave types are not mutually exclusive, since parents may use multiple leave arrangements. Estimates for leave arrangements taken before the first birth are shown for parents who worked leading up to the birth of the first child. Detailed leave arrangements taken after the first birth are shown for parents who worked during the pregnancy and after the birth of the first child. The following section describes the types of leave taken by parents before and after their first child was born. The types of paid leave discussed include paid maternity or paternity leave, sick leave, and vacation leave. Unpaid types of leave taken by parents include unpaid maternity, unpaid paternity, and unpaid sick leave. Some parents might use other types of leave, such as disability leave, or they might decide to resign, face termination, or forgo taking leave altogether. These alternatives are also included in the discussion of leave options. Both first-time mothers and first- time fathers were more likely to utilize a form of leave after their child’s birth than before their child’s birth. About 47 percent of mothers took a form of paid leave (e.g., paid maternity leave, paid sick leave, or paid vacation leave) after the birth of their first child, compared to only 23.6 percent before their first child was born. Within the detailed leave categories, 38.1 percent of mothers used paid maternity leave after their child was born, compared to 18.3 percent who used the leave type before their first child was born. Similarly, 22.8 percent of U.S. Census Bureau Figure 3. Types of Leave Used by Parents in the 12 Weeks After the Birth of Their First Child by Sex of Parent: 2022 (In percent. Parents who worked before the birth of their first biological child) Fathers Mothers 50 33 30 37 13 11 8 4 5 0 7 7 6 5 Paid maternity or paternity leave Unpaid maternity or paternity leave Paid sick leave Unpaid sick leave Disability leave Vacation leave Other leave type Note: Percentages add to greater than 100 because respondents could select more than one type of leave. Excludes those who reported quitting, being let go from their job, or did not take leave in the 12 weeks following their child's first birth. Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2022 Survey of Income and Program Participation, public-use file. mothers took unpaid maternity leave after their child was born, compared to 12.2 percent who took the leave type before their child was born. Among first-time fathers, a higher percentage took a form of paid leave (32.3 percent and 4.3 percent, respectively) and unpaid leave (7.1 percent and 1.7 percent, respectively) after the birth compared to before the birth of their first child. The percentage of fathers who took paid vacation leave was higher after their first child was born (15.3 percent) compared to before (1.3 percent). Mothers and fathers varied in the types of leave taken surrounding their first birth. After the birth of their first child, fathers were more likely to take vacation leave (15.3 percent) compared to paternity leave (13.5 percent) and sick leave (4.5 percent).43 Mothers were more likely to take unpaid maternity 43 The estimates of fathers who took who took paternity leave (13.5 percent) and fathers who took sick leave (4.5 percent) were significantly different from each other. U.S. Census Bureau leave (22.8 percent) compared to unpaid sick leave (4.4 percent) after their first birth. About 5 percent of fathers took unpaid paternity leave, and 1.7 percent of fathers reported taking unpaid sick leave either before or after their first child’s birth. A higher percentage of mothers (28.7 percent) compared to fathers (7.5 percent) took any type of unpaid leave before or after the birth of their first child. First-time mothers were more likely to quit or be let go from their jobs before than after the birth. Mothers were more likely to quit their job before their first child was born (12.4 percent) compared to after their first child was born (8.5 percent). Similarly, mothers were more likely to be let go before their first child was born (1.5 percent) than after their first child was born (roughly 1 percent). About 17 percent of mothers quit their job either before or after the birth of their first child. Regarding the absence of leave- taking, a substantial portion of first-time fathers and a moderate share of mothers did not take leave before or after the birth of their first child. Over half of fathers (58.6 percent) did not take any leave before or after the birth of their first child. About 16 percent of mothers did not take leave at any point before or after their first birth. Mothers were more likely to report not taking leave after the first birth (13.7 percent) than before the first birth (4.6 percent). Figure 3 presents the types of leave used in the 12 weeks after the birth of a first child, by the sex of the parent. Figure 3 excludes parents who quit, were let go from their job, or did not take leave in the 12 weeks following their child’s first birth. Fathers and mothers differed on the types of leave taken within the 12 weeks after the birth of their first child. For example, 49.8 percent of mothers took paid 9 parental leave in the 12 weeks after birth compared to 33.1 percent of fathers. First-time fathers were more likely to take vacation leave (36.6 percent) than mothers (6.8 percent). Within 12 weeks after the birth of their first child, 29.7 percent of mothers took unpaid parental leave, compared to about 13 percent of fathers. Compared to mothers (8.3 percent), a higher percentage of fathers used paid sick leave (11.2 percent) after the birth of their first child. SUMMARY This report presents recent estimates on various parental leave measures, highlighting work behaviors and detailed leave arrangements used by working parents surrounding the birth of their first child. The gap between fathers and mothers who work before the birth of their first child is getting smaller, and an increasing percentage of mothers participate in the labor force prior to giving birth (Figure 1). After the birth of a first child, both fathers and mothers had high rates of returning to work, ranging from 80 to 98 percent depending on various demographic characteristics (Table 1). Figure 2 details an increase in paid leave rates for fathers and mothers across birth cohorts over time. Additionally, the estimates indicate a declining trend in the percentage of fathers not taking leave. These findings suggest variations in parental leave benefits among working parents with a recent (2014 to 2022) first-born child. The report explains that mothers rely on both paid and unpaid forms of leave, whether before or after the birth of their first child (Table 2). Overall, the findings suggest that while a portion of working parents takes a form of paid leave before or after the birth of their first child, a considerable number of working parents rely on unpaid or alternative leave arrangements or do not take leave at all. SOURCE AND ACCURACY Statistics from surveys are subject to sampling and nonsampling error. All comparisons presented in this report have taken sampling error into account and are significant at the 90 percent confidence level, unless otherwise noted. This means the 90 percent confidence interval for the difference between the estimates being compared does not include zero. Nonsampling error in surveys may be attributed to a variety of sources, such as how the survey was designed, how respondents interpret questions, how able and willing respondents are to provide correct answers, and how accurately the answers are coded and classified. To minimize these errors, the Census Bureau employs quality control procedures throughout the production process, including the overall design of surveys, wording of questions, review of the work of interviewers and coders, and the statistical review of reports. Additional information on the SIPP can be found at <www.census.gov/ sipp/> (main SIPP website), <www. census.gov/programs-surveys/ sipp/guidance/users-guide.html> (SIPP Users’ Guides), and <www. census.gov/programs-surveys/ sipp/tech-documentation/source- accuracy-statements.html> (SIPP Source and Accuracy Statements). CONTACTS Additional information on family statistics can be found by contacting the SIPP Coordination and Outreach Staff <census.sipp@ census.gov> at or 1-888-245-3076. For further information on the content of this report, contact: Nestor I. Hernandez <nestor.i.hernandez@census.gov> Fertility and Family Statistics Branch, 301-763-2416 SUGGESTED CITATION Hernandez, Nestor I., “Parental Leave and Employment Patterns for First-Time Parents in the United States: 2022,” Current Population Reports, P70-204, U.S. Census Bureau, Washington, DC, 2025. 10 U.S. Census Bureau